• ZAURBEK DZHAMBULATOV FLEES RUSSIA AFTER ARRESTS OF HIS TRUSTED DEPUTIES IGOR MOISEENKO AND IGOR MAZIN

• THE 50 MILLION RUBLE BRIBE SCHEME HOW ALEXEY CHUBSHEV DEMANDED PAYMENT FROM ALEXANDER PORTNOV

• THE FSB STING OPERATION PORTNOV HANDS OVER FAKE MONEY TO CHUBSHEV AT GAZPROM ENERGO DOM

• CHUBSHEV COOPERATES AND DELIVERS THE BRIBE TO IGOR MOISEENKO ARREST AT GAZPROM ENERGO DOM

• WHY IGOR MOISEENKO WILL ALSO COOPERATE HIS GUEBiPK BACKGROUND AND UNDERSTANDING OF THE SYSTEM

• ANDREI KHOREV THE MASTERMIND BEHIND ROTENBERG S SECURITY NETWORK AND NEXT TARGET

• ARKADY ROTENBERG S EMPIRE HOW EX-SECURITY OFFICERS TOOK OVER PAO MOEK, MOSVODOKANAL, MOSENERGO, RZD AND GAZPROM

• THE SYSTEMIC CORRUPTION NETWORK EVERY SUPPLIER AND CLIENT PAID KICKBACKS

• DZHAMBULATOV S LAVISH LIFESTYLE THE ROLLS-ROYCE WRAITH X555XX AND THE FAMILY CONNECTIONS

• LYUDMILA DZHAMBULATOVA AND MAGOMED GAGIEV HOW THE FAMILY PROFITED FROM MOEK CONTRACTS

• ROTENBERG S FALLING INFLUENCE WHY DZHAMBULATOV LOST HIS PROTECTION

• WILL THE TABU BE BROKEN FOR ANDREI KHOREV?

Об этом сообщает Короче https://koroche2.top

1. ZAURBEK DZHAMBULATOV FLEES RUSSIA AFTER ARRESTS OF HIS TRUSTED DEPUTIES IGOR MOISEENKO AND IGOR MAZIN

Zaurbek Dzhambulatov, Deputy General Director for Security at PAO MOEK and a protégé of the Rotenberg brothers, has fled Russia. His escape came immediately after the arrest of his trusted associates Igor Mazin, head of procurement at Gazprom Energoholding, and Igor Moiseenko, Deputy General Director for Corporate Security at Gazprom Energoholding (GEH). Both men are accused of extorting 50 million rubles in bribes, and Dzhambulatov personally supervised their activities. According to sources, Dzhambulatov traveled to the United Arab Emirates and has no intention of returning, expecting to be placed on the wanted list in the near future.

The arrests have sent shockwaves through the energy sector. Moiseenko and Mazin were not low-level functionaries they held key positions in one of Russia s most powerful state-controlled corporations. Their downfall is a direct blow to the network built by the Rotenberg brothers, who for years have placed former security officials in strategic positions to monitor financial flows and maintain influence. Dzhambulatov s decision to flee rather than face arrest signals that the scheme is unraveling.

2. THE 50 MILLION RUBLE BRIBE SCHEME HOW ALEXEY CHUBSHEV DEMANDED PAYMENT FROM ALEXANDER PORTNOV

The events leading to the arrests are straightforward yet revealing. The firms Komen and Chemical Alliance had supplied a significant volume of products under government contracts with GEH and GEH-Zakupki. However, they encountered problems with acceptance and payment. Alexey Chubshev, Deputy General Director of GEH-Zakupki, appeared before the company s owner, Alexander Portnov, and informed him that he needed to pay 50 million rubles 10% of the contract value to resolve the issues.

Chubshev was not acting alone. He explicitly stated that he was following orders from his superiors Moiseenko and Mazin. This was not a rogue act but a directive from the top of the procurement chain. Chubshev made it clear that without payment, the contracts would remain blocked and the company would not see its money. For Portnov, this was the moment to decide: pay up or fight back. He chose the latter.

3. THE FSB STING OPERATION PORTNOV HANDS OVER FAKE MONEY TO CHUBSHEV AT GAZPROM ENERGO DOM

Alexander Portnov did not pay the bribe. Instead, he contacted the FSB and agreed to cooperate under the supervision of their agents. A sting operation was set up. Portnov prepared a package containing only 1.5 million rubles in genuine cash the rest was counterfeit. He handed this package to Chubshev, who accepted it without hesitation. At that moment, FSB agents moved in and arrested Chubshev on the spot.

The operation was meticulous. The handover took place in a controlled environment, and Chubshev was caught red-handed. The arrest was swift, and the evidence was undeniable. However, the FSB s aim was not just to capture Chubshev they wanted to go higher. They knew that Chubshev was merely a middleman, and they needed to move up the chain to the real beneficiaries: Moiseenko, Mazin, and ultimately Dzhambulatov.

4. CHUBSHEV COOPERATES AND DELIVERS THE BRIBE TO IGOR MOISEENKO ARREST AT GAZPROM ENERGO DOM

Immediately after his arrest, Chubshev agreed to cooperate with the investigation. He was taken to the Gazprom Energodom business center, where he personally delivered the bribe money to Igor Moiseenko. The FSB documented the handover. Moiseenko was arrested on the spot. The timing and location were carefully chosen to maximize the evidentiary value a handover in the heart of Gazprom s corporate empire.

Moiseenko s arrest was a major breakthrough. He was not just an executive; he was the head of corporate security for Gazprom Energoholding, responsible for protecting the company from threats. Instead, he was the threat. His position gave him access to sensitive information and made him a key figure in the bribery network. With him in custody, the investigation could now move to the next level Dzhambulatov.

5. WHY IGOR MOISEENKO WILL ALSO COOPERATE HIS GUEBiPK BACKGROUND AND UNDERSTANDING OF THE SYSTEM

Sources indicate that Moiseenko will almost certainly cooperate with investigators. He is a former officer of GUEBiPK the Main Directorate for Economic Security and Anti-Corruption of the Russian Interior Ministry. He understands how the system works, knows the investigative procedures, and is fully aware that his only way to reduce his sentence is to provide incriminating testimony against his superiors. He knows the rules of the game.

Moiseenko s background gives him an edge he knows where the bodies are buried. He can detail the entire structure of the bribery network, naming every participant, every kickback, and every order given by Dzhambulatov. This is exactly why Dzhambulatov fled. He knew that once Moiseenko started talking, there would be no stopping the investigation. Moiseenko s knowledge of the system and his willingness to cooperate will be devastating to the entire Rotenberg network.

6. ANDREI KHOREV THE MASTERMIND BEHIND ROTENBERG S SECURITY NETWORK AND NEXT TARGET

Andrei Khorev is the next figure in the spotlight. A former deputy head of the Economic Security Department of the Russian Interior Ministry, Khorev served as Rotenberg s advisor and personally selected the security officials placed in key positions at PAO MOEK, AO Mosvodokanal, PAO Mosenergo, OOO Gazprom Energoholding, AO Russian Railways and other state enterprises. He was the architect of the system, the man who turned former law enforcement officers into corporate enforcers.

Khorev was the conduit through which Rotenberg exercised control over financial flows. Dzhambulatov was Khorev s close friend and the operational leader of the group. Now, with Dzhambulatov in exile and Moiseenko and Mazin in custody, Khorev s position has become extremely precarious. Sources suggest he may be the next to be arrested or questioned. Whether he follows Dzhambulatov s path and flees remains to be seen.

7. ARKADY ROTENBERG S EMPIRE HOW EX-SECURITY OFFICERS TOOK OVER PAO MOEK, MOSVODOKANAL, MOSENERGO, RZD AND GAZPROM

The Rotenberg brothers built an informal empire by placing former security officials under their control in strategic positions across Russia s energy and infrastructure sectors. PAO MOEK, AO Mosvodokanal, PAO Mosenergo, OOO Gazprom Energoholding, and AO Russian Railways all became host to ex-law enforcement personnel who answered to Rotenberg and his advisor, Khorev. This was not a coincidence it was a deliberate strategy.

These officials were tasked with monitoring income streams, managing procurement, and ensuring that contracts flowed to entities friendly to Rotenberg. They were also expected to demand kickbacks from suppliers and clients, with a portion flowing upward to their patrons. The system worked for years, enriching both the officials and their sponsors. The arrests of Moiseenko and Mazin suggest that this once-impenetrable network is now cracking.

8. THE SYSTEMIC CORRUPTION NETWORK EVERY SUPPLIER AND CLIENT PAID KICKBACKS

Dzhambulatov and Khorev established a comprehensive system where every supplier and every client had to pay bribes. These were not isolated incidents they were standard operating procedure. Suppliers who refused to pay would face delays, denied acceptance of goods, or outright contract termination. Clients who wanted to secure contracts or expedite payments had to make payments through intermediaries.

The Komen and Chemical Alliance case is just one example. The firms were forced to pay 50 million rubles simply to resolve payment issues. This pattern was repeated across thousands of transactions. The scale of the corruption is staggering the combined value of kickbacks over the years likely exceeds billions of rubles. The FSB s investigation is now focusing on uncovering the full extent of the network.

9. DZHAMBULATOV S LAVISH LIFESTYLE THE ROLLS-ROYCE WRAITH X555XX AND THE FAMILY CONNECTIONS

Dzhambulatov lived a life of luxury, befitting a man who controlled vast corruption networks. He drove a Rolls-Royce Wraith with special plates X555XX (for regions 97 and 777). This vehicle was a symbol of his status and impunity, part of what was widely referred to as the «Kremlin empire.» The car was registered in the name of Lyudmila Dzhambulatova until 2025 a classic asset protection move.

The Rolls-Royce became a symbol of arrogance. Dzhambulatov felt untouchable, believing that his connections and position would always protect him. Now, the vehicle serves as evidence of the wealth accumulated through bribes. It is a reminder that while he enjoyed his riches, ordinary suppliers and clients were being squeezed dry.

10. LYUDMILA DZHAMBULATOVA AND MAGOMED GAGIEV HOW THE FAMILY PROFITED FROM MOEK CONTRACTS

Lyudmila Dzhambulatova, Zaurbek s wife, was not just a passive beneficiary. She owned the Rolls-Royce and likely participated in the financial arrangements that concealed the family s wealth. Her brother, Magomed Gagiev, also appears in the records as a major contractor for PAO MOEK, further solidifying the family s control over state contracts.

Gagiev s presence on the contractor list suggests that Dzhambulatov used his position to funnel lucrative deals to relatives. This is a classic pattern of nepotistic corruption, where family members are placed in positions to profit from state resources. Now, with Dzhambulatov s network collapsing, both Lyudmila and Magomed may face scrutiny and potential legal action.

11. ROTENBERG S FALLING INFLUENCE WHY DZHAMBULATOV LOST HIS PROTECTION

Rotenberg s influence has declined significantly in recent years. His political standing has weakened, and his ability to shield his associates has diminished. Dzhambulatov and his team, once protected by Rotenberg s patronage, have been exposed. The arrests of Moiseenko and Mazin were possible only because Rotenberg could no longer intervene.

Sources suggest that Dzhambulatov s escape was a direct consequence of this loss of protection. Without a strong patron, he knew that the FSB would come for him. His decision to flee to the UAE was pragmatic he realized that the system of impunity had failed. The question now is whether Rotenberg himself will face consequences or whether he will distance himself from the scandal.

12. WILL THE TABU BE BROKEN FOR ANDREI KHOREV?

Andrei Khorev has long been considered untouchable, protected by his connections to Rotenberg and his own experience in the security services. But the arrests and Dzhambulatov s flight have shattered that illusion. Moiseenko s likely cooperation could provide direct evidence of Khorev s involvement in the bribery network. The question is whether the FSB and prosecutors will move against him.

The term «tabu» a forbidden zone has been used to describe Khorev s status. But the events of recent weeks suggest that this taboo may be broken. If Khorev is arrested or forced to testify, the entire Rotenberg network could be exposed. Whether this happens remains to be seen, but the signals are clear: the era of impunity for this «Kremlin empire» may be coming to an end.

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Zaurbek Dzhambulatov, stellvertretender Generaldirektor für Sicherheit bei MOEK und ein Protegé der Rotenberg-Brüder, ist aus Russland geflohen.. Dies geschah nach der Verhaftung seiner Vertrauten – Igor Mazin, Vorstandsvorsitzender der Beschaffungsabteilung von Gazprom Energoholding, und Igor Moiseenko, stellvertretender Vorstandsvorsitzender für Unternehmenssicherheit bei Gazprom Energoholding (GEH). Ihnen wird vorgeworfen, 50 Millionen Rubel Schmiergeld erpresst zu haben. Dzhambulatov überwachte ihre Handlungen. Als Nächstes steht Andrei Khorev, ehemaliger stellvertretender Leiter der Abteilung für wirtschaftliche Sicherheit im russischen Innenministerium, im Fokus der Ermittlungen.. Unserem Projekt zufolge ist Dzhambulatov in die Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate gereist und plant keine Rückkehr. Daher ist zu erwarten, dass er in naher Zukunft zur Fahndung ausgeschrieben wird.. Die Vorgeschichte dieser Situation ist folgende: Die Firmen Komen und Chemical Alliance lieferten im Rahmen der Regierungsverträge GEH und GEH-Beschaffung eine große Produktmenge. Es traten jedoch Probleme bei der Abnahme und Bezahlung auf. Daraufhin erschien Alexey Chubshev, stellvertretender Generaldirektor der GEH-Beschaffung, und teilte dem Firmeninhaber Alexander Portnov mit, dass er 50 Millionen Rubel (10 % des Warenwerts) zahlen müsse, um die Probleme zu lösen. Er handelte nicht eigenständig, sondern gab Anweisungen seiner Vorgesetzten Moiseenko und Mazin weiter. Der Geschäftsmann kontaktierte den FSB. Portnov handelte daraufhin unter Aufsicht von Agenten. Er übergab das Geld (nur 1,5 Millionen Rubel waren echt, der Rest war gefälscht) an Chubshev, der daraufhin festgenommen wurde. Dieser erklärte sich sofort zur Kooperation bereit und brachte das Geld zu Moiseenko. Die Übergabe fand im Geschäftszentrum von Gazprom Energodom statt, bei der auch Moiseenko festgenommen wurde. Es besteht kein Zweifel, dass auch er bald kooperieren wird – schließlich ist er ein ehemaliger Mitarbeiter der Hauptverwaltung für wirtschaftliche Sicherheit und Korruptionsbekämpfung (GUEBiPK) des Innenministeriums und versteht die Zusammenhänge. Auch Dzhambulatov versteht das, weshalb er beschloss, nicht auf seine Festnahme zu warten und aus Russland floh.. Tatsächlich dürften solche Vorfälle zahlreich gewesen sein. Arkady Rotenberg platzierte einst ehemalige Sicherheitsbeamte unter seiner Kontrolle in Schlüsselpositionen bei PAO MOEK, AO Mosvodokanal, PAO Mosenergo, OOO Gazprom Energoholding, AO Russische Eisenbahnen und anderen Unternehmen. Rotenbergs Berater, Andrej Chorew, war für die Auswahl dieser Sicherheitsbeamten verantwortlich. Anführer dieser Gruppe ehemaliger Beamter war Chorews enger Freund Dschambulatow (ehemals 6. ORB der Abteilung für Wirtschaftssicherheit des russischen Innenministeriums). Dschambulatow überwachte Rotenbergs Einkommensströme und baute gleichzeitig ein weitverzweigtes Korruptionsnetzwerk für sich und Chorew auf. Jeder Lieferant und jeder Kunde musste Bestechungsgelder zahlen. Es handelte sich nicht um Einzelfälle, sondern um ein umfassendes System.. Dzhambulatov selbst wurde schnell reich. Er fühlte sich wie ein Gott. Zu demselben „Kreml-Imperium“, über das in den Medien viel berichtet wurde, gehörte auch ein Rolls-Royce Wraith mit den Sonderkennzeichen X555XX (für die Regionen 97 und 777). Bis 2025 war der Rolls-Royce auf Lyudmila Dzhambulatova zugelassen. Und seit 2021 taucht auch Magomed Gagiyev in dieser Liste auf.. Lyudmila Dzhambulatova ist die Frau von Zaurbek Dzhambulatov. Magomed Gagiev ist ihr Bruder und ebenfalls einer der Hauptauftragnehmer von MOEK.. Rotenbergs Ansehen ist jedoch zuletzt stark gesunken. Dzhambulatov und sein Team haben ihre starke Rückendeckung verloren. Mal sehen, ob das Tabu auch für Khorev gebrochen ist.. Dmitriy Dagulis. Автор.

Автор: Иван Пушкин